Non-commutative Logic
Origin. Lambek calculus (1958) for linguistics. Non-commutative linear logic (Abrusci 1991). Order of hypotheses matters. Models syntactic structure. Foundation for categorial grammar.
Models. Sequents as ordered lists, not sets. A, B ≠ B, A in context. Left and right implications distinct. Planar proof nets. Pregroups and residuated structures.
Formalism.
Directional implications: A \ B: B given A on left B / A: B given A on right A • B: A followed by B (non-commutative tensor)
Residuation laws: A • B ⊢ C iff B ⊢ A \ C iff A ⊢ C / B
Lambek calculus rules: Right rules: Γ, A ⊢ B A, Γ ⊢ B ────────── ────────── Γ ⊢ A \ B Γ ⊢ B / A
Left rules: Δ ⊢ A Γ, B, Γ' ⊢ C ────────────────────── Γ, Δ, A \ B, Γ' ⊢ C
Product (concatenation): Γ ⊢ A Δ ⊢ B ──────────────── Γ, Δ ⊢ A • B
Linguistic example: John : NP sleeps : NP \ S John sleeps : S (by \ elimination)
Cyclic variants: Cyclic linear logic: circular sequents. Mix rule restores some symmetry.
Symbols.
| Symbol | Unicode | Name | Meaning |
|---|---|---|---|
| \ | — | Under | Left residual |
| / | — | Over | Right residual |
| • | — | Product | Non-comm tensor |
| ⊢ | U+22A2 | Turnstile | Entailment |
Metatheory. Cut elimination. Decidable for Lambek calculus. Undecidable with product. Categorical semantics: monoidal categories (not symmetric). NL-completeness for recognition.
Applies to. Categorial grammar. Type-logical semantics. Natural language parsing. Linguistic syntax. Word order analysis.
Limitations. Linguistically limited without modalities. Parsing complexity. Doesn't handle all word orders. Less tool support than commutative variants.
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